Remembrance and the Military Afterlives

During the interviewing of the veterans and families within the research project there was never a deliberate intent to direct the interview in any one direction. It was important that whatever the participants wanted to talk about we gave them permission to just do that. There were many experiences of living in civilian street that came up. One experience that came up and is very poignant at this time of year is about the act of remembrance, remembering those losses that veterans had experienced during service and how those losses were commemorated. It is important to point out that losses within the military are not necessarily just experienced through active service. Tragic deaths also occur during deployment and exercises as well as through other accidents such as RTAs.

The act of remembrance within our society is connected to a historical and cultural tradition that is played out at a national level as we watch the service at the Cenotaph televised to the country and is replicated locally in many villages, towns and cities across the country. The depth of reflection about remembrance and what it means to the individuals involved in the project was diverse and wide ranging. The motivations and reasons whether to participate in a ‘traditional’ remembrance service again were varied.

Brian, a school teacher, felt that being a veteran gave him a unique ability to convey the experience of war to his students, giving life to history. He felt that having his connection to the military meant that teaching children about war became very real, something that other teachers, he noted, were quick to dismiss.  He said that wearing his medals and squadron tie  gives him a sense of pride, making him feel part of the military community again.

Daniel felt that being part of remembrance is part of his identity as a veteran, saying “I think it makes me realise who I am and where I’ve come from”. He takes a very active role in remembrance events, through laying a wreath and reading at the church service. He says he feels a very strong sense of belonging during remembrance and sees this as almost a continuation of his military service.

Bruce, on the other hand, is a veteran who described himself as feeling “a bit uncomfortable” when discussing veterans and the military. He wants the perception of the military in society to change, as he doesn’t want them to be perceived as ‘special’. He notes that “I was in uniform but the most dangerous thing I did was to drive down the M4 in the rain to get to a meeting in London.” For Bruce, remembrance is not something he feels a part of.

Chris shares similar feelings of disbelief, despite having deployed to Afghanistan. Chris thought of himself as “not really” a veteran, and only engaged in Remembrance Day events due to the pressure he felt from his squadron to wear his veteran’s badge.

John, a Falklands veteran, prefers the social aspects rather than the traditional and religious aspects of remembrance. He says that “You might as well just say we’re going to meet at 3 o’clock, all have a drink and talk about old times. That’s basically it. These ceremonies mean nothing. They don’t mean anything to the dead people.”

The Military Afterlives Project raises many questions about the act of remembrance for the wider veteran community. What is remembrance beyond these historic and cultural models? What purpose does this act serve for veterans and their families? How does the act of remembrance change through a veteran or family members life course? How much does this act help in a sense of identity or oppositely enable a rejection of that identity?